UN SECRETARY-GENERAL REITERATES HIS COMMITMENT ON BURMA

Document No. SG/SM/12501, UN Secretary General, 28th of September 2009
Courtesy : UN News Centre

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The following statement was issued on 28th of September by the Spokesperson for UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon:

The Secretary-General met this morning with Prime Minister Thein Sein of Myanmar. The Secretary-General reiterated his clear expectation that Myanmar will respond in a timely manner to the proposals he left with the senior leadership of Myanmar during his visit. In particular, the Secretary-General made clear that the onus was on the Government to create the necessary conditions for credible and inclusive elections, including the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners, as well as dialogue with all stakeholders.

The Secretary-General reiterated his intention to work through his good offices with the Government and people of Myanmar to address the political, humanitarian and development challenges facing Myanmar, a role which was strongly endorsed again last week at the high-level meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar.

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Document: Text of Address by Prime Minister of Burma at 64th session of UNGA

Given below the text of H.E. General Thein Sein, Prime Minister of the Union of Burma at the 64th session of the United Nations General Assembly, New York, 28th September 2009.

Courtesy: UN News Centre

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Mr. President,

1. I would like to extend our warm congratulations to you on your well-deserved election as the President of the 64th session of the United Nations General Assembly.

2. I would also like to pay a special tribute to His Excellency Mr. Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann for his able leadership of the 63rd session of the United Nations General Assembly.

Mr. President,

3. The global financial and economic crisis which began last year is showing tentative signs of recovery. However, many countries, large and small, still face daunting challenges. The crisis originated in the developed countries, but the developing countries have been the hardest hit. The nascent economic recovery has yet to effectively lift the low-income countries from the trough.

4. It is commendable that the developed countries have been playing a leading role in addressing the crisis. The views of the developing countries should also be taken into consideration together with those of the G-8 and G-20 countries. Measures that could have adverse effects on economic growth of the developing countries must be avoided. The developing countries have for many years worked hard to combat poverty and achieve favourable conditions for economic growth. Low-income countries require developmental assistance beyond existing ODAs in order for them to meet the challenges posed by the global economic downturn. The developed countries should increase their ODAs to the developing countries. We welcome the reaffirmation by President Hu Jintao of the People's Republic of China in his statement to this Assembly that his country will increase support for other developing countries hit hard by the economic and financial crisis.


Mr. President,

5. Climate change is the most pressing major threat facing our planet. It is a global challenge that requires a global response. No country can be insulated from the consequences of climate change. The rapid pace and scale of climate change requires the global community to respond urgently and effectively. The UN Summit on Climate Change convened by the Secretary-General last week underlined the magnitude of the problem and the need to redouble our efforts on climate change.

6. We look forward to the Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change in December. We hope that the negotiations will be fruitful and arrive at a new agreement to curb greenhouse gas emissions that would go into effect in 2012 when the Kyoto Protocol's first commitment period expires. Any deal to be effective must be comprehensive and consistent with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities.

7. The global financial and economic crisis and the climate change crisis have compounded the problems we face in the last few years. These include the rising prices of food, high energy prices and the spread of pandemic diseases. No single country can effectively overcome these problems acting alone. The global community must work together to meet the common challenges we face. In these trying times for our planet, multilateralism is more important than ever. Dialogue among nations of different religious and cultural backgrounds can contribute to international peace, security and development.

Mr. President,

8. The United Nations is the single world organization with near universal participation dedicated to peace and development. In recent years, steps have been initiated to reform the Organization to make it more democratic, effective and accountable to enable it to meet the challenges of the 21st century. Regrettably, progress has been painfully slow.

9. For the United Nations to take decisions in a more democratic manner, it is essential that the role of the General Assembly where all Member States are represented be enhanced. The Security Council reform is also important. For many years, the United Nations General Assembly has debated the matter but has made little headway. In addition to the focus on the vexed issue of enlargement of the Council, we would like to see constructive changes in procedures and working methods of the Council, particularly those that would make it more transparent and accountable.

Mr. President,

10. The continued existence of weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons pose the greatest threat to mankind. Myanmar believes that the total elimination of nuclear weapons is the single absolute guarantee against the threat or use of those weapons. Accordingly, we have been calling upon nuclear weapon States to undertake the step-by-step reduction of the nuclear threat with a view to achieving the total elimination of those weapons.

11. We consider that pending the total elimination of nuclear weapons we should pursue efforts towards the conclusion of a universal, unconditional and legally binding instrument on security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States. We support the establishment of nuclear weapons free zones on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at among the States of the region concerned. Nuclear weapons free zones enhance global and regional security and contribute toward reaching the objectives of nuclear disarmament.

12. It is our hope that all nations of the world will continue to work together to eliminate nuclear weapons so that the power of the atom can be harnessed exclusively as a tool for the benefit of mankind and not as an instrument of self-destruction. At the same time, every nation must have the right to peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Nuclear techniques have widespread application in such areas as food and agriculture, health, industry and science. We welcome the reaffirmation of the Summit Meeting of the Security Council on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament held last week that the international nuclear non-proliferation regime should be maintained and strengthened to ensure the effective implementation of the NPT.

Mr. President,

13. Some powerful nations have been resorting to economic sanctions to pressure developing countries. Their aim is to influence the political and economic systems of those countries without taking into account their historical and cultural backgrounds. Sanctions have no moral basis as they not only hinder the economic and social development of the people but also interfere in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of the country. As sanctions are indiscriminate and of themselves a form of violence, they cannot legitimately be regarded as a tool to promote human rights and democracy. Sanctions are being employed as a political tool against Myanmar and we consider them unjust. I would like to state that such acts must be stopped.

14. Myanmar is a country that practices a market economy based on agriculture. We are self sufficient in food and are able to contribute to food security of the region. We have made considerable progress in improving the socio-economic conditions thanks to the combined efforts of the Government and the people. Without the economic sanctions imposed on us, progress would be even greater.

Mr. President,

15. Following Cyclone Nargis which hit Myanmar in May 2008, the Myanmar Government, the United Nations and the ASEAN established the Tripartite Core Group (TCG) to undertake relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction works in the affected areas. The success of the TCG has been given due recognition by the international community. It has been acknowledged as an exemplary mechanism for future disaster relief and rehabilitation undertakings. The Post-Nargis Recovery and Preparedness Plan (PONREPP) has been laid down for the period 2009 to 2011. Further plans have also been adopted to effectively respond to similar natural disasters in the future. We will implement the projects diligently.

16. PONREPP will require US$ 691 million over a period of three years. To date, only half of that amount has been committed by the international community. We have been carrying out many of the rehabilitation activities relying on our own funds and resources. If more funds are forthcoming and donors fulfill their pledges, the rehabilitation process would be speedier and more effective. I would like to say that the Myanmar Government and the people of the affected areas will always remain grateful to the individuals, organizations, and the international community at large for the generous help and assistance extended to them during their hour of need.

Mr. President,

17. Peace and stability in the country and the successful holding of the democratic elections are essentials for the democratization process of Myanmar. A new State Constitution was approved by 92.48% of the eligible voters in a nation-wide referendum held in May 2008. The multiparty general elections will be held in the coming year. Subsequently, the parliament will be convened and a government will be formed in accordance with the new Constitution.


18. The country would have a bicameral legislature. The Constitution provides for a presidential system of governance. It is envisaged that the President would be elected by a presidential electoral college. The State will be composed of seven states, seven regions, five self-administered zones and one self-administered division. The Capital, Nay Pyi Taw, would be designated a Union territory. In keeping with the state structure, the Constitution also establishes 14 state and regional legislative bodies.

19. The transition to democracy is proceeding. Our focus is not on the narrow interest of individuals, organizations or parties but on the larger interest of the entire people of the nation. We have urged all citizens, whether they agree with us or not, to actively participate in the process without losing sight of the democratic goal. In this way, the aspirations of the people will be fulfilled.

20. The Government is taking systematic steps to hold free and fair elections. Electoral laws will be promulgated, and an election commission will be formed so that political parties can be formed and contest the elections. On 17 September 2009, 7,114 prisoners were released for their good conduct. They too will be able to participate in the general elections next year in accordance with the law.

21. The multiparty general elections is a significant step in our transition to a peaceful, modern and developed democratic State. Democracy cannot be imposed from the outside and a system suitable for Myanmar can only be born out of Myanmar society. Citizens of Myanmar are the ones who can best determine their future. They can judge the merits of democracy and make adjustments in accordance with their genius.

22. The international community can best assist Myanmar's emergence as a new nation, based on the principles of justice, freedom and equality enshrined in the new State Constitution, by demonstrating understanding.

Mr. President,

23. Global issues that require the attention of all countries will increasingly come to the fore in the years to come. Strong political will and commitment of all countries would be needed to overcome the challenges. Speakers before me have emphasized the need for collective efforts in finding solutions to the problems and challenges. I fully share their views and affirm that Myanmar will do its part.

24. Thank you.

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Angela Merkel: the 'Darling of Europe' & Champion of Burma's Freedom

Burma Review welcomes the victory of Angela Merkel and thanks people of Germany for giving her a second term'. In her long career of public service - Angela Merkel popularly known as 'Angie' always stood firm to lead Europe preserve the values of 'freedom of thought' against regimented philosophy. If Daw Suu Kyi is people's queen of Burma, Angela Merkel is 'Darling of Europe'.

She has not only worked hard as a champion of 'individual freedom' in Europe but also for the freedom of Burma's 'people's queen' Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. This year on 12th of June, she was among first european leaders to organize joint press conference with French President - Nicolos Sarkozy to appeal Asian powers to work seriously for Daw Suu Kyi's release. Burma Review looks forward to see continued close cultural-economic-strategic cooperation between India and Germany for a better world.

Document - Press Release: U.S. Policy Toward Burma

Kurt M . Campbell

Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Washington, DC
September 28, 2009
PRN : 2009/970 (Released at 1.40 AM, September 29, 2009)
(Courtesy: US State Dept.)

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MR. CROWLEY: I don’t see any UNGA survivors here yet. They’re still up there. Good afternoon, and welcome to the Department of State. To kick us off this afternoon, we’ve invited down the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia Pacific region Kurt Campbell, who is going to kind of follow up on some comments that the Secretary made last night – or last week, I’m sorry – regarding Burma, but will obviously entertain broader questions on the region.
Kurt, you can just kick us off.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Thank you, P.J., and it’s great to see so many friends here. This is my first time in front of the podium, so I’m going to take a variety of questions, if that’s possible.

Let me first underscore that last week was a big week for us in the Asia Pacific region. I think all of you know the President and the Secretary had a series of meetings with our friends and allies in the Asia Pacific region. President Obama met both in Pittsburgh and in New York with President Hu, had a broad range of discussions on North Korea, on Iran, on climate change, on a variety of economic and trade-related issues. The President also met with new Japanese Prime Minister Hatoyama to discuss our vital, important partnership and the direction ahead. We also had strong meetings between the President – between the Secretary and her counterparts in several key countries in Asia.

The Secretary also, on Wednesday, had a meeting of the Friends of Burma, and at that meeting she rolled out some of our initial views concerning the Burma review, which is going to be fully discussed this week on Capitol Hill and also with other key players. There will be testimony before the Senate subcommittee on Wednesday; I will appear before that, before Senator Webb and the committee.

I’d like now, if possible, to read a relatively long statement. I apologize for the detail, but it will give you some context in terms of our overall review and what we’ve concluded over the course of these last seven months.

In terms of the background, the Administration launched a review of Burma policy seven months ago, recognizing that the conditions in Burma were deplorable and that neither isolation nor engagement, when implemented alone, had succeeded in improving those conditions. Throughout this review, the Administration consulted closely with Congress, the international community, and a wide range of stakeholders inside Burma, including the National League of Democracy.

For the first time in memory, the Burmese leadership has shown an interest in engaging with the United States, and we intend to explore that interest. In addition, concerns have emerged in recent days about Burma and North Korea’s relationship that require greater focus and dialogue.

What are the strategic goals and interests of this approach? We have reaffirmed our fundamental goals in Burma. We support a unified, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Burma that respects the human rights of its citizens. To that end, we will continue to push for the immediate and unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners, an end to conflicts with ethnic minorities and gross human rights violations, and initiation of a credible internal political dialogue with the democratic opposition and ethnic minority leaders on elements of reconciliation and reform.

We will also press Burma to comply with its international obligations, including on nonproliferation, ending any prohibited military or proliferation-related cooperation with North Korea, and full compliance with United Nations 1874 and 1718.

If Burma makes meaningful progress towards these goals, it will be possible to improve the relationship with the United States in a step-by-step process. We recognize that this will likely be a long and difficult process, and we are prepared to sustain our efforts on this front.

Burma’s continued estrangement from the international community harms the country and has direct negative consequences beyond Burma’s borders. Burma’s engagement with the outside world has the potential to encourage new thinking, reform, and participation in the work of the international community.

In terms of engagement, we intend to begin a direct dialogue with Burmese authorities to lay out a path towards better relations. The dialogue will include specific discussion of democracy and human rights inside Burma, cooperation on international security issues such as nonproliferation and compliance with 1874 and 1718, and areas that could be of mutual benefit such as counternarcotics and recovery of World War II era remains.

In terms of sanctions, we will maintain existing sanctions until we see concrete progress towards reform. Lifting sanctions now would send the wrong signal. We will tell the Burmese that we will discuss easing sanctions only if they take actions on our core concerns. We will reserve the option to apply additional targeted sanctions, if warranted, by events inside Burma.

In terms of humanitarian assistance, we will continue our commitment to the Burmese people by expanding humanitarian assistance to the extent we are confident the assistance is reaching the people in need. Our experience in providing close to $75 million to Cyclone Nargis relief efforts has proven that we can effectively provide assistance directly to the Burmese people.

In terms of the approach to the upcoming 2010 elections in Burma, we will take a measured approach to the 2010 elections until we can assess the electoral conditions and know whether opposition and ethnic groups will be able to participate. We are skeptical that the elections will be either free or fair, but we will stress to the Burmese the conditions that we consider necessary for a credible electoral process.

In terms of cooperation with others in the international community, we understand that we cannot meet all of these goals alone. We will increase efforts to engage our partners in intergovernmental forum and the region to promote change inside Burma. We value very much the strong relationships we have had with the EU, with Australia, Canada, Japan, and the UN and others in working towards the common goal of a democratic transition in Burma. We seek to continue these partnerships and relationships, and indeed have consulted very closely with all of these countries and groups over the course of the last several months.

We will also intensify our engagement with ASEAN, China, and India to press the Burmese leadership to reform and to participate responsibly in the international community.

In terms of long-term efforts, we will initiate these efforts immediately, but we will also be realistic. We know the process may be long and difficult. We should be prepared to sustain our efforts beyond the planned 2010 elections. We will be working with our partners to encourage Burma to be more open and to promote new thinking and new ideas. It is important that the Burmese people gain greater exposure to broader ideas. It’s also important that Burmese leaders, including Burma’s next generation of leaders, realize that there is a more positive way ahead. These efforts may take time, but the United States is ready to commit to that long-term effort.

With that sort of broad overview, I’d be happy to take any specific questions. Thank you.

Yes. And if you wouldn’t mind, identify yourself just so I know.

QUESTION: Kim Ghattas from the BBC.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Hi, Kim.

QUESTION: Hi. Thank you for this. I have two questions. One, you said that for the first time in history, the Burmese regime has shown interest in engaging the U.S. I was wondering why you thought that was. Why are they interested at this point in engaging with the U.S.?

And the second question is – it’s still a little bit unclear to me what has changed in the policy beyond the fact that you will engage in direct dialogue with them. And so therefore, what is the interest of the Burmese authorities of responding to your requests for improved human rights, et cetera, if the only thing they’re getting out of it is a direct dialogue with you?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Well, let me first say that one of our first questions to our Burmese interlocutors is why indeed have you sought a dialogue with the United States at this time? I think as you know over the course of the last several years, there have occasionally been episodic contacts between the United States and Burmese authorities. And I think what we would like to do is start a process, a sustained process of interaction, where hopefully we can answer some of these questions going forward.

Ultimately, as we conducted this review, we recognized that ultimately, we need to change our methods but not our goals. And I think at this early stage, we think it’s important to suggest that we are prepared to sit down, but also recognize that nothing has changed yet on the ground or in terms of some of the activities that Burma has been involved with. And so I think this initial step is the right approach, and greater clarity can be gained, hopefully, through a process of dialogue over the course of the coming weeks.

Yes.

QUESTION: How do you – Jill Dougherty from CNN.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Hi, Jill.

QUESTION: How do you square this apparent approach that they have with the alleged cooperation with North Korea?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Well, first of all, I think that Burma has done a variety of things. We think they did play a positive role behind the scenes recently in terms of some steps associated with the implementation of 1874, UN Resolution 1874, and we have noted that in public. And so that willingness to play a more responsible role in the realm of international sanctions support vis-à-vis North Korea has been factored into our overall approach. The truth is that we’ve had so little dialogue with Burma over the course of the last several years that we’re still looking for a clear indication of the direction of its leadership in terms of what it seeks in terms of international engagement.
We’ve seen much more engagement of Burma, particularly at the level of economic engagement and other kind of interactions, both with China, with India, and other countries in Southeast Asia. It’s possible that they seek to diversify those contacts to include the United States, and we intend to explore that over the course of the next several weeks again.

Yes.

QUESTION: Andy Quinn from Reuters.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Hi, Andy?

QUESTION: It’s sort of a follow-up question. You talked about asking the Burmese to stop whatever prohibited contacts they may have had with the North Koreans. Are you willing to let us know what your assessment is of the current state of their contacts, where they’re making deals and what these sorts of deals might be?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: I don’t think I can go very much beyond what Secretary Clinton said at the ASEAN Regional Forum a few months ago in July, late July. She underscored at that time that there clearly were some areas of interaction on the military side, and perhaps even beyond that, between North Korea and Burma that raised concerns not just for the United States, but also for countries in the immediate region. And one of our goals over the course of this period of strategic review have been discussions with Thailand, with Indonesia, with the Philippines, with China. And I think there is a greater desire on the part of these regional partners for the United States to have a direct dialogue with Burma about aspects of their relationship with North Korea that we’re seeking to gain greater clarity into.

Yes. Hi.

QUESTION: A question on China.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Yeah.

QUESTION: What is your assessment of China’s willingness to go along with tougher sanctions against Iran on the nuclear question?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: It’s a good question. I think there was an important process last week. At the same time that the G-20 was meeting at the finance minister level, there was also some very important discussion taking place behind the scenes between U.S. and Chinese representatives. For the first time really, the Chinese supported elements of our tough approach on the P-5+1. I think they are asking the United States for deeper engagement on these issues, discussions around Iran. We’ve provided background and details. I think the Secretary said that we’ll take this after the first meeting on Thursday.

All I can say is that we view China’s engagement in the diplomacy surrounding Iran as increasingly central to a positive resolution.

QUESTION: When you say that they’re interested in deeper engagement, do you mean with the U.S. about what the U.S. wants, or with the Iranians?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Deeper engagement with the U.S., both on what we think we understand in terms of some of Iranian behaviors, also in terms of what American and other P-5+1 expectations are, and what positive role China can play in the peaceful resolution of this problem.
Yeah.

QUESTION: Ai Awaji from JiJi Press, Japan.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Yes, hi.

QUESTION: I have a question about North Korea.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: After the consultations in New York, it seems that you have a strong support from your partners in the Six-Party Talks about having direct talks with North Koreans. So are you ready to go ahead with the plan and send Ambassador Bosworth to Pyongyang? Could you tell us about the next step you’re taking?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Not yet. I think one of the lessons that the United States has learned in this process is a certain degree of patience pays off. We have had, I think as you underscore, very strong support from our partners in the Six-Party framework. China, Japan, South Korea, and Russia have all very clearly and strongly underscored the American approach as the right approach. And that is that we expect North Korea to abide by its commitments made as part of the Six-Party framework in both 2005 and 2007, and that if there were to be any bilateral interactions between the United States and North Korea, that they be designed towards moving back rapidly and very clearly to a Six-Party framework for formal interactions with our North Korean interlocutors.

And I think we’re in the process now of planning our next steps in terms of diplomacy in Northeast Asia. Deputy Secretary Steinberg is in Asia currently for further discussions with both China, South Korea, and Japan. And I think it’s also the case that some very senior Chinese interlocutors will be visiting North Korea in the coming days.
Our goal is to remain lockstep with our partners to ensure that we are working together so that there can be no picking off of one or other members of the Six-Party framework or that there will be any tension among us as we engage together with Pyongyang.

Yes. Others?

QUESTION: Just one more?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Yeah.

QUESTION: So are you waiting for specific actions or statement from North Koreans?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Not at this juncture. We are involved – there are several elements of diplomacy. Only some of it involve the United States. As I indicated, both Chinese interlocutors, South Korean interlocutors have been engaging North Korea, making very clear what our expectations are in terms of next steps.
Yes, in the back.

QUESTION: Gail from Singapore Straits Times.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Hi, how are you?

QUESTION: Very well, thank you. Do you expect – President Obama happened to announce that he is interested in holding a U.S.-ASEAN summit in Singapore, and Singapore confirmed overnight that it might be held on November 15th. I’d like to know what was the state of the mind in, you know, proposing the summit? What caused – has there been a rethinking on the issue? And finally, if Myanmar is expected to participate in the summit?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Yeah. Look, let me just say that, first of all, I can’t say anything further beyond what you’ve already indicated. But I will say that we have heard, over the course of the last several months, that it was a shame that the U.S.-ASEAN summit had to be cancelled in 2008.

And it was important to many of our ASEAN friends and leaders that that be rescheduled as a symbolic summit to signify the importance of the progress that ASEAN has made over the last several years, and also of the relationship with the United States. And we’ve tried to listen to those concerns carefully, and I think I’ll just – I’ll leave it at that. And in terms of Burma’s participation in those meetings, I think we’ll have more to say about that subsequently. Thanks.

QUESTION: Rob Reynolds from Al Jazeera English.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Hi.

QUESTION: Given China’s expanding economic ties with Iran, isn’t it considered quite unlikely that China would go along with the kind of stringent sanctions that the U.S. might want to impose if the talks are not successful?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: First of all, China has broad and diverse interests, like any great power. And it faces now a situation in which it has several powers on its border that face the potential of specific challenges – North Korea obviously, Pakistan, and now a series of challenges near its territory from Iran.

It’s very important for China that this issue be resolved peacefully, but also that it be resolved. I think Chinese leaders and interlocutors at the foreign ministry have been very clear that it is the strong view of China that Iran not be allowed to develop a nuclear weapons capability. And so obviously, they’ll have to face some difficult choices going forward, but in terms of their basic policy approach, I think we’re very comfortable with it.

Yes.
QUESTION: Oh, yes. My name is (inaudible) Shimbun.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Yes, hi.

QUESTION: My question is about direct talk with Myanmar. So could you give us a bit more detail about how do you proceed direct talks with Myanmar? So last week, briefers mentioned that Myanmar side will appoint interlocutor and the U.S. Government may appoint a counterpart. And could you give us your image about how do you proceed direct talks?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: I can give you some general background.

QUESTION: Where and when?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Yes, some general background. We are now working on the details of our first substantive interaction with Burmese authorities, and we expect that to take place around the edges of the UN General Assembly. I will be involved in those discussions. In addition, the legislation requires – and the Administration intends to abide by that, obviously – the appointment of a Burma coordinator. And we are in the process of working with the White House, both identifying the appropriate person and consultations with Congress about this important assignment.

QUESTION: I – so sorry, Kurt – Indira.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Hi, Indira.

QUESTION: Hi. So – sorry – if you would be the person, that means within the context of UNGA this week in New York? Is that going to be – I mean, Wednesday, we know you’re going to be testifying here on the Hill. So which day would that be?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Well, let me just say we’re working on the details of this. Obviously, we’re – it is the case that we’ve had so little of discussion – so little dialogue with Burma in the past that, actually, the process of actually setting up a meeting like this has – poses its own logistics challenges. And I think it would be fair to say that your parameters are roughly right – over the course of the next week.

Yes.

QUESTION: Paul Richard with OHI.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Hi, Paul.

QUESTION: Can you tell anything more about how this outreach from the Burmese came? And does the timing suggest that they may have been reacting in part to the enforcement of 1874? I mean, did that process make them a little nervous? Is that possibly a factor into this?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: I think it is often the case that in important decisions, that more than one factor comes to play. And I think there are probably a number of factors that are based on global dynamics, some regional dynamics, and probably some internal issues as well. And we, during the process of our consultations in the region, asked some of our interlocutors to have dialogue with senior leaders in Burma, and we received a very clear message, both indirectly and then subsequently directly, that there was a desire for a dialogue at this time.
I think it’s also the case that – let’s be clear that the President’s very clear statement about approaching countries with an open hand and beginning a dialogue with them, it’s a powerful tool in – at least in the initial phase of opening up contacts. What happens subsequently will be based on concrete steps that the Government of Burma is prepared to take.

Overall, we are as interested as you are in terms of what Burma expects and what their plans are in terms of domestic steps and regional behavior. So we’re keenly interested, we’re – we have an open door, and we’re prepared to sit down and have a responsible dialogue about the way forward.

QUESTION: Well, it sounds like the U.S., though, took – it was the U.S. that initially took the initiative here, talking to our interlocutors, who contacted them?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Actually, not. The first real step came from Burmese interlocutors, but there is often in Southeast Asia, because of the lack of our dialogue, a noise-to-signal problem, trying to figure out are these authoritative voices, are they really speaking for the central elements of the government. And through a process – a very rigorous process of trying to determine exactly who this message was coming from, and sort of numerous messages, I think we arrived at a conclusion that – very clearly that they were prepared to sit down with the United States. And now we subsequently believe that’s very much to be the case.
But I must underscore we’re at the earliest possible stages here, and we’ve stated very clearly through the process of this review that there are certain elements, foundations for our approach, that we think still apply given the conditions on the ground inside Burma.

MR. CROWLEY: Last question.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Indira.

QUESTION: Thanks, Kurt. Other than the discussions that happened at UNGA and G-20 that we’re aware of on the economic front, in particular with China, can you tell us – and P-5+1 – can you tell us what else came out of the very high-level – you know, the leaders contact between Obama and Hu, specific things that came up?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY CAMPBELL: Yeah, thank you. First of all, the team that the president brought from China was one of the highest-level teams I’ve ever seen assembled. Key players from all the major ministries, the key players on climate change, on the economy, on various aspects of regional diplomacy.

We talked in great detail about the way ahead on North Korea. China underscored its commitment to the Six-Party framework and its very strong insistence that North Korea abide by its statements on denuclearization. We spoke extensively about climate change and the process leading to Copenhagen. I think there was a pretty frank back-and-forth exchange between the two sides. I think the President – our President, President Obama – asked for a little bit of greater clarity to some of the positions that the Chinese interlocutors had put forward at the UN last week.

As indicated earlier, I think the President made very clear to our Chinese friends of our desire for greater assistance when it came – when it comes to Iran and our concerns about some of the steps that we’ve seen in recent weeks, and I think overall a discussion about ensuring that U.S.-China relations remain on a very stable footing. Chinese friends were very much looking forward to the visit of President Obama early next month; we talked about some of the details associated with that.

It – what in my view was impressive, it was a warm meeting, but it was very workmanlike in the sense that we went through a range of issues in great detail. And, Indira, I think what’s interesting – it’s not just the meeting itself, but the amount of preparation that went into this was as deep and intense as any international meeting that I’ve been involved with, and I think it reflects the importance of Sino-American relations in the current period.

Thank you all very much, look forward to doing this again soon.

PRN: 2009/970


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America in the Eyes of Contemporary China

By: Vijay ‘Bidrohi’

Important Note: The purpose of the article is to indicate Chinese sadistic communist attitude, taking pleasure in American tragedy has even not changed in present phase and Obama administration should take suggestions of Republican Party seriously on the concerned broad question’s regularly published on GOPUSA as JFK was democrat and not republican. Present ‘world economic crisis’ is not mere recession but ‘economic cold war’. The open society nations need to check the existing gaps in their stock markets– Vijay ‘Bidrohi’.


In my earlier post entitled – “John F. Kennedy, J. L. Nehru, Bogyoke Aung San and Daw Suu Kyi: Four Personalities - One Soul (Part-I)” published on 15th February 2009, I mentioned the Chinese official vision of taking sadistic pleasure at the time of tragic death of one of the great leader’s of America- John F. Kennedy by writing ‘Kennedy Biting the Dust’ showing the dead President Kennedy lying in a pool of blood and his necktie marked with dollar sign’ in their official leading newspaper – ‘Daily Worker’. However, open society of the West gave positive tribute to their great leader Mao at his death. One may assume that, it was natural Chinese reaction as the world was clouded in the cold war rivalry. However, the fact is that, official Chinese sadistic perception towards America has even not changed in contemporary phase. On the tragic eventful day of September 11, 2009 (the painful American tragedy of September 11 is known to the world), Chinese official media ‘People’s Daily’ published an article entitled – “Bobby and Jackie: a modern American Greek Tragedy”. The article was published taking note from the book of C. David Heymann entitled – “Bobby and Jackie: A Love Story” written on the love affairs of Robert Kennedy (popularly known as Bobby) and Jacqueline Kennedy. The article attempted to highlight that, John F. Kennedy was intellectually inferior then Robert Kennedy and I quote – “Jackie and Bobby had a much closer intellectual liaison than Jackie and John”, unquote.


The article also attempted to prove that “these sorts of illicit love affairs often happen in American free society and “American power elite often play by different rules”, indicating Chinese communist society as an ‘ideal one’. The attempt to denigrate American values by Chinese communist is a regular phenomenon in Chinese official media or the media strictly controlled by the Chinese Communist Party without accepting the fact that ‘love’ can take place at any part of the world, if both the opposite sex agrees and even among rich or poor, Or even old and young and it doesn’t know any foolish communist political control?


Even, if the news of love affairs between Bobby and Jackie are correct then what is wrong in it after the death of JFK, having consent of both? At least, Bobby or Robert Kennedy was not keeping number of concubines like Chinese communist party officials? For example, the Chinese Communist Party’s “Central Discipline and Inspection Commission” themselves accepted on 4th of September 2009 reported by Li Hong for “People’s Daily”, that, “Ninety-five percent of the corrupt officials investigated and sent to law by the commission, at least one mistresses or concubines was embroiled in each case.” It further discloses and I quote, “In China, former Shanghai top leader Chen Lianyu was sent to prison for abusing the city’s pension fund and leading a “decadent lifestyle”, implying that he took multiple mistresses. A woman surnamed Li, who had relationships with the former Qingdao City Party secretary, former SinoPec Chairman and the country’s former finance minister, led to revelation of a colossal graft case…And, sometimes unpleasant wrangling with concubines may force an official to the edge. Duan Yihe, former Chairman of Jinan City’s people Congress, or local legislature, in Shandong Province, had his concubine and her car bombed into pieces, because he got the information that woman, stranded then, was going to tell his corruption at the local prosecutor’s office, unquote. (1)


In addition, a corrupt senior official in Shaanxi province had been brought down by his eleven mistresses, as per the state media ‘People’s Daily’ reports published on 7th September 2007. Moreover, keeping concubines by Chinese Communist Party officials caught in corruption are in increase with compared to year 2009 to 2007. (2)


Although interestingly, article-2 of the marriage law of the People’s Republic of China advocates for – “A marriage system based on the free choice of partners, on MONOGOMY and on equality between man and woman shall be applied. And, article-3 states that, “marriage upon arbitrary decision by any third party, mercenary marriage and any other acts of interference in the freedom of marriage shall be prohibited. The exaction of money or gifts in connection with marriage shall be prohibited. Bigamy shall be prohibited. Cohabitation of a married person with any third party shall be prohibited… etc. unquote. (3)

The culture of taking second wife popularly known as ‘bao ernai’ has remained uninterrupted in new communist China. Nine years ago, in the year 2000, China’s Deputy Director of the Legislative Affairs Commission of the National People’s Congress (NPC) standing committee – Mr. Hu Kangsheng accepted the fact that, “the practice of taking a mistress is soaring, posing a serious threat to China’s statutory rule of monogamy.” (4)

The purpose to highlight relationship between Bobby & Jacqueline Kennedy into illicit relations has objective of denigrating the personality of JFK, justifying their own regimented philosophy, despite prevalence of concubine culture by party officials in China. China’s official media didn’t miss any opportunity in putting salt & pepper in American wounds. Another instance is of recent article published on 5th of August 2009 in “People’s Daily” online entitled - “News Analysis: Race still matters in US” despite American people’s broadness to elect Mr. Obama as first African-American President.

Endnotes:

1. Li Hong, Women and Corrupted Officials, People’s Daily Online, Beijing, China, 4 September 2009.

2. Jonathan Watts reporting from Beijing, Concubine Culture brings trouble for China’s Bosses, The Guardian, UK, 8th of September 2007.

3. Marriage Law of the People’s Republic of China, From the website of Consulate General of the People’s Republic of China in New York, Accessed on 20 September 2009.

4. Unfaithful men…Infidelity Threatens Chinese Family Values, The Straits Times, 1 August 2000.

(Note: For the security of the website, web links has been not given as per reference rules, Burma Review)

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US & EU Should Engage with Burma

China is right in her regular viewpoint expressed in UN Security Council Meeting held on 11th of October 2007, 2nd May 2008, 22nd May 2009 and on 13th August 2009, that, “it is wrong to isolate and sanction Burma / Myanmar and its position in that regard remained unchanged.” It is for the people of Burma to understand that how Chinese Communist Party has betrayed them in crucial hours for peaceful democratic change? It also shows the true colour of double face of ‘Chinese communist philosophy’. Moreover, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Gandhian philosophy of non-violence believes in ‘winning of hearts’ with love and compassion, and not with the politics of ‘permanent hate and boycott’. So the time has come to engage massively with Burma by EU and United States in all fields to end sufferings of devastated innocent citizens of Burma in cyclone Nargis. Although, it does not mean that, the struggle for the release of Daw Suu Kyi and other prisoners should be left out. The struggle for the release of Daw Suu Kyi and other political prisoners in Burma for national reconciliation as per the ASEAN & UN resolutions will remain unchanged. It is a welcome step by a divisional court in Burma to accept the freedom appeal of Daw Suu Kyi.

The reason for continuous vetoing of Burma resolution by China and Russia has different aim, which goes beyond strategic, economic and energy needs. Although, the naïve ruling General’s in Burma is considering them as saviour and friend and missing the opportunity to engage their own great leader like - Daw Suu Kyi to solve the problem of Burma’s democratization.

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